acealmighty13
New member
JPSartre12 said:
For or Against Gay Marriage
- Thread starter Speedy Boarder
- Start date
Lesbian and Gay Parenting from APA website
I. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS
Charlotte J. Patterson
University of Virginia
Like families headed by heterosexual parents, lesbian and gay parents and their children are a diverse group (Martin, 1993). Unlike heterosexual parents and their children, however, lesbian and gay parents and their children are often subject to prejudice because of sexual orientation that turns judges, legislators, professionals, and the public against them, frequently resulting in negative outcomes such as loss of physical custody, restrictions on visitation, and prohibitions against adoption (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). As with all socially stigmatized groups, the beliefs held generally in society about lesbians and gay men are often not based in personal experience, but are instead culturally transmitted (Herek, 1991). The purpose of this summary of research findings on lesbian and gay parents and their children is to assist psychologists and other professionals to evaluate widespread beliefs in the light of empirical data and in this way ameliorate the negative effects of unwarranted prejudice.
Because many beliefs about lesbian and gay parents and their children are open to empirical test, psychological research can evaluate their accuracy. Systematic research comparing lesbian and gay adults to heterosexual adults only began in the late 1950s, and research comparing children of gay and lesbian parents with those of heterosexual parents is of a more recent vintage. Research on lesbian and gay adults began with Evelyn Hooker's landmark study (1957) and culminated with the declassification of homosexuality as a mental disorder in 1973 (Gonsiorek, 1991). Case reports on children of gay and lesbian parents began to appear in the psychiatric literature in the early 1970s (e.g., Osman, 1972; Weeks, Derdeyn, & Langman, 1975) and have continued to appear (e.g., Agbayewa, 1984). Beginning with the pioneering work of Martin and Lyon (1972), first person and fictionalized descriptions of life in lesbian mother families have also become available (e.g., Alpert, 1988; Clausen, 1985; Jullion, 1985; Mager, 1975; Perreault, 1975; Pollock & Vaughn, 1987; Rafkin, 1990). Systematic research on the children of lesbian and gay parents did not, however, begin to appear in major professional journals until 1978, and most of the available research has been published more recently.
As this summary will show, the results of existing research comparing gay and lesbian parents to heterosexual parents and children of gay or lesbian parents to children of heterosexual parents are quite uniform: common sterotypes are not supported by the data.
Without denying the clarity of results to date, it is important also for psychologists and other professionals to be aware that research in this area has presented a variety of methodological challenges, not all of which have been surmounted in every study. As is true in any area of research, questions have been raised with regard to sampling issues, statistical power, and other technical matters (e.g., Belcastro, Gramlich, Nicholson, Price, & Wilson, 1993); no individual study is entirely invincible to such criticism.
One criticism of this body of research (Belcastro et al., 1993) has been that the research lacks external validity because it may not be representative of the larger population of lesbian and gay parents. This criticism is not justified, because nobody knows the actual composition of the entire population of lesbian mothers, gay fathers, or their children (many of whom choose to remain hidden) and hence researchers cannot possible evaluate the degree to which particular samples do or do not represent the population. In the long run, it is not the results obtained from any one specific sample, but the accumulation of findings from many different samples that will be most meaningful.
Research in this area has also been criticized for using poorly matched or no control groups in designs that call for such controls. Particularly notable in this category has been the tendency in some studies to compare development among children of a group of divorced lesbian mothers, many of whom are living with lesbian partners, to that among children of a group of divorced heterosexual mothers who are not currently living with heterosexual partners. It will be important for future research to disentangle maternal sexual orientation from maternal status as partnered or unpartnered.
Other criticisms have been that most studies have involved relatively small samples, that there have been inadequacies in assessment procedures employed in some studies, and that the classification of parents as lesbian, gay, or heterosexual has sometimes been problematic (e.g., some women classified by researchers as lesbian might be regarded as bisexual by other observers). It is significant, however, that even with all the questions and/or limitations that may characterize research in the area, none of the published research suggests conclusions different from those that will be summarized below.
This summary consists of four sections. In the first, results of research on lesbian and gay adults (and parents) are summarized. In the second section, a summary of results from research comparing children of lesbian and gay parents with those of heterosexual parents or with established norms is presented. The third section summarizes research on heterogeneity among lesbian and gay families with children. The fourth section provides a brief conclusion.
A. Lesbian and Gay Parents
One belief that often underlies both judicial decision-making in custody litigation and public policies governing foster care and adoption has been the belief that lesbians and gay men are not fit to be parents. In particular, courts have sometimes assumed that gay men and lesbians are mentally ill, that lesbians are less maternal than heterosexual women, and that lesbians' and gay men's relationships with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing parent-child interactions (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). Results of research to date have failed to confirm any of these beliefs (Falk, 1989, 1994; Patterson, 1994b, 1995b, 1996).
Mental Health of Lesbians and Gay Men
The psychiatric, psychological, and social-work professions do not consider homosexual orientation to be a mental disorder. More than 20 years ago, the American Psychiatric Association removed "homosexuality" from its list of mental disorders, stating that "homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social or vocational capabilities" (American Psychiatric Association, 1980). In 1975, the American Psychological Association took the same position and urged all mental health professionals to help dispel the stigma of mental illness that had long been associated with homosexual orientation (American Psychological Association, 1975). The National Association of Social Workers has a similar policy (National Association of Social Workers, 1994).
The decision to remove homosexual orientation from the list of mental disorders reflects the results of extensive research, conducted over three decades, showing that homosexual orientation is not a psychological maladjustment (Gonsiorek, 1991; Reiss, 1980; Hart, Roback, Tittler, Weitz, Walston, & McKee, 1978). The social and other circumstances in which lesbians and gay men live, including exposure to widespread prejudice and discrimination, often cause acute distress; but there is no reliable evidence that homosexual orientation per se impairs psychological functioning (Freedman, 1971; Gonsiorek, 1991; Hart et al., 1978; Hooker, 1957; Reiss, 1980).
Fitness of Lesbians and Gay Men as Parents
Beliefs that gay and lesbian adults are not fit parents likewise have no empirical foundation (Cramer, 1986; Falk, 1989; Gibbs, 1988; Patterson, 1996). Lesbian and heterosexual women have not been found to differ markedly either in their overall mental health or in their approaches to child rearing (Kweskin & Cook, 1982; Lyons, 1983; Miller, Jacobsen, & Bigner, 1981; Mucklow & Phelan, 1979; Pagelow, 1980; Rand, Graham, & Rawlings, 1982; Thompson, McCandless, & Strickland, 1971), nor have lesbians' romantic and sexual relationships with other women been found to detract from their ability to care for their children (Pagelow, 1980). Recent evidence suggests that lesbian couples who are parenting together tend to divide household and family labor relatively evenly (Hand, 1991; Patterson, 1995a) and to report
satisfaction with their couple relationships (Koepke, Hare, & Moran, 1992; Patterson, 1995a). Research on gay fathers has similarly found no reason to believe them unfit as parents (Barret & Robinson, 1990; Bigner and Bozett, 1990; Bozett, 1980, 1989).
B. Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents
In addition to judicial concerns about gay and lesbian parents themselves, courts have voiced three major kinRAB of fears about effects of lesbian or gay parents on children.
The first general concern is that development of sexual identity will be impaired among children of lesbian or gay parents*for instance, that children brought up by gay fathers or lesbian mothers will show disturbances in gender identity and/or in gender role behavior (Falk, 1989; Hitchens & Kirkpatrick, 1985; Kleber, Howell, & Tibbits-Kleber, 1986). It has also been suggested that children brought up by lesbian mothers or gay fathers will themselves become gay or lesbian (Falk, 1989; Kleber et al., 1986).
A second category of concerns involves aspects of children's personal development other than sexual identity (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Kleber et al., 1986). For example, courts have expressed fears that children in the custody of gay or lesbian parents will be more vulnerable to mental breakdown, will exhibit more adjustment difficulties and behavior problems, and will be less psychologically healthy than children growing up in homes with heterosexual parents.
A third category of specific fears expressed by the courts is that children of lesbian and gay parents may experience difficulties in social relationships (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Falk, 1989; Hitchens & Kirkpatrick, 1985). For example, judges have repeatedly expressed concern that children living with lesbian mothers may be stigmatized, teased, or otherwise traumatized by peers. Another common fear is that children living with gay or lesbian parents may be more likely to be sexually abused by the parent or by the parent's frienRAB or acquaintances.
I. SUMMARY OF RESEARCH FINDINGS
Charlotte J. Patterson
University of Virginia
Like families headed by heterosexual parents, lesbian and gay parents and their children are a diverse group (Martin, 1993). Unlike heterosexual parents and their children, however, lesbian and gay parents and their children are often subject to prejudice because of sexual orientation that turns judges, legislators, professionals, and the public against them, frequently resulting in negative outcomes such as loss of physical custody, restrictions on visitation, and prohibitions against adoption (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). As with all socially stigmatized groups, the beliefs held generally in society about lesbians and gay men are often not based in personal experience, but are instead culturally transmitted (Herek, 1991). The purpose of this summary of research findings on lesbian and gay parents and their children is to assist psychologists and other professionals to evaluate widespread beliefs in the light of empirical data and in this way ameliorate the negative effects of unwarranted prejudice.
Because many beliefs about lesbian and gay parents and their children are open to empirical test, psychological research can evaluate their accuracy. Systematic research comparing lesbian and gay adults to heterosexual adults only began in the late 1950s, and research comparing children of gay and lesbian parents with those of heterosexual parents is of a more recent vintage. Research on lesbian and gay adults began with Evelyn Hooker's landmark study (1957) and culminated with the declassification of homosexuality as a mental disorder in 1973 (Gonsiorek, 1991). Case reports on children of gay and lesbian parents began to appear in the psychiatric literature in the early 1970s (e.g., Osman, 1972; Weeks, Derdeyn, & Langman, 1975) and have continued to appear (e.g., Agbayewa, 1984). Beginning with the pioneering work of Martin and Lyon (1972), first person and fictionalized descriptions of life in lesbian mother families have also become available (e.g., Alpert, 1988; Clausen, 1985; Jullion, 1985; Mager, 1975; Perreault, 1975; Pollock & Vaughn, 1987; Rafkin, 1990). Systematic research on the children of lesbian and gay parents did not, however, begin to appear in major professional journals until 1978, and most of the available research has been published more recently.
As this summary will show, the results of existing research comparing gay and lesbian parents to heterosexual parents and children of gay or lesbian parents to children of heterosexual parents are quite uniform: common sterotypes are not supported by the data.
Without denying the clarity of results to date, it is important also for psychologists and other professionals to be aware that research in this area has presented a variety of methodological challenges, not all of which have been surmounted in every study. As is true in any area of research, questions have been raised with regard to sampling issues, statistical power, and other technical matters (e.g., Belcastro, Gramlich, Nicholson, Price, & Wilson, 1993); no individual study is entirely invincible to such criticism.
One criticism of this body of research (Belcastro et al., 1993) has been that the research lacks external validity because it may not be representative of the larger population of lesbian and gay parents. This criticism is not justified, because nobody knows the actual composition of the entire population of lesbian mothers, gay fathers, or their children (many of whom choose to remain hidden) and hence researchers cannot possible evaluate the degree to which particular samples do or do not represent the population. In the long run, it is not the results obtained from any one specific sample, but the accumulation of findings from many different samples that will be most meaningful.
Research in this area has also been criticized for using poorly matched or no control groups in designs that call for such controls. Particularly notable in this category has been the tendency in some studies to compare development among children of a group of divorced lesbian mothers, many of whom are living with lesbian partners, to that among children of a group of divorced heterosexual mothers who are not currently living with heterosexual partners. It will be important for future research to disentangle maternal sexual orientation from maternal status as partnered or unpartnered.
Other criticisms have been that most studies have involved relatively small samples, that there have been inadequacies in assessment procedures employed in some studies, and that the classification of parents as lesbian, gay, or heterosexual has sometimes been problematic (e.g., some women classified by researchers as lesbian might be regarded as bisexual by other observers). It is significant, however, that even with all the questions and/or limitations that may characterize research in the area, none of the published research suggests conclusions different from those that will be summarized below.
This summary consists of four sections. In the first, results of research on lesbian and gay adults (and parents) are summarized. In the second section, a summary of results from research comparing children of lesbian and gay parents with those of heterosexual parents or with established norms is presented. The third section summarizes research on heterogeneity among lesbian and gay families with children. The fourth section provides a brief conclusion.
A. Lesbian and Gay Parents
One belief that often underlies both judicial decision-making in custody litigation and public policies governing foster care and adoption has been the belief that lesbians and gay men are not fit to be parents. In particular, courts have sometimes assumed that gay men and lesbians are mentally ill, that lesbians are less maternal than heterosexual women, and that lesbians' and gay men's relationships with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing parent-child interactions (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990). Results of research to date have failed to confirm any of these beliefs (Falk, 1989, 1994; Patterson, 1994b, 1995b, 1996).
Mental Health of Lesbians and Gay Men
The psychiatric, psychological, and social-work professions do not consider homosexual orientation to be a mental disorder. More than 20 years ago, the American Psychiatric Association removed "homosexuality" from its list of mental disorders, stating that "homosexuality per se implies no impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or general social or vocational capabilities" (American Psychiatric Association, 1980). In 1975, the American Psychological Association took the same position and urged all mental health professionals to help dispel the stigma of mental illness that had long been associated with homosexual orientation (American Psychological Association, 1975). The National Association of Social Workers has a similar policy (National Association of Social Workers, 1994).
The decision to remove homosexual orientation from the list of mental disorders reflects the results of extensive research, conducted over three decades, showing that homosexual orientation is not a psychological maladjustment (Gonsiorek, 1991; Reiss, 1980; Hart, Roback, Tittler, Weitz, Walston, & McKee, 1978). The social and other circumstances in which lesbians and gay men live, including exposure to widespread prejudice and discrimination, often cause acute distress; but there is no reliable evidence that homosexual orientation per se impairs psychological functioning (Freedman, 1971; Gonsiorek, 1991; Hart et al., 1978; Hooker, 1957; Reiss, 1980).
Fitness of Lesbians and Gay Men as Parents
Beliefs that gay and lesbian adults are not fit parents likewise have no empirical foundation (Cramer, 1986; Falk, 1989; Gibbs, 1988; Patterson, 1996). Lesbian and heterosexual women have not been found to differ markedly either in their overall mental health or in their approaches to child rearing (Kweskin & Cook, 1982; Lyons, 1983; Miller, Jacobsen, & Bigner, 1981; Mucklow & Phelan, 1979; Pagelow, 1980; Rand, Graham, & Rawlings, 1982; Thompson, McCandless, & Strickland, 1971), nor have lesbians' romantic and sexual relationships with other women been found to detract from their ability to care for their children (Pagelow, 1980). Recent evidence suggests that lesbian couples who are parenting together tend to divide household and family labor relatively evenly (Hand, 1991; Patterson, 1995a) and to report
satisfaction with their couple relationships (Koepke, Hare, & Moran, 1992; Patterson, 1995a). Research on gay fathers has similarly found no reason to believe them unfit as parents (Barret & Robinson, 1990; Bigner and Bozett, 1990; Bozett, 1980, 1989).
B. Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents
In addition to judicial concerns about gay and lesbian parents themselves, courts have voiced three major kinRAB of fears about effects of lesbian or gay parents on children.
The first general concern is that development of sexual identity will be impaired among children of lesbian or gay parents*for instance, that children brought up by gay fathers or lesbian mothers will show disturbances in gender identity and/or in gender role behavior (Falk, 1989; Hitchens & Kirkpatrick, 1985; Kleber, Howell, & Tibbits-Kleber, 1986). It has also been suggested that children brought up by lesbian mothers or gay fathers will themselves become gay or lesbian (Falk, 1989; Kleber et al., 1986).
A second category of concerns involves aspects of children's personal development other than sexual identity (Falk, 1989; Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Kleber et al., 1986). For example, courts have expressed fears that children in the custody of gay or lesbian parents will be more vulnerable to mental breakdown, will exhibit more adjustment difficulties and behavior problems, and will be less psychologically healthy than children growing up in homes with heterosexual parents.
A third category of specific fears expressed by the courts is that children of lesbian and gay parents may experience difficulties in social relationships (Editors of the Harvard Law Review, 1990; Falk, 1989; Hitchens & Kirkpatrick, 1985). For example, judges have repeatedly expressed concern that children living with lesbian mothers may be stigmatized, teased, or otherwise traumatized by peers. Another common fear is that children living with gay or lesbian parents may be more likely to be sexually abused by the parent or by the parent's frienRAB or acquaintances.
firemedic0703
New member
Coersion and abuse do happen in relationships. Doesn't make it legal. Hence the issue with incest (which you brought up).
My, you have a short memory. Lawrence v. Texas pretty much voided all laws against consensual sodomy.
But it has. My [hypothetical] husband and I are disease free. We are both of legal age, and we are both not related. As far as I am concerned, we both meet the requirements of marriage.
What makes them wrong?
Um, no. State has to providea legitimate reason, especially since it has been shown that there is harm that comes from denying those benefits to same sex couples.
Read my rsponse to JPSartre12.
That was a misstype. I stand corrected.
It seems that, according to you, liberals are at fault for everything. The thing is, you have yet to point out what was wrong with those decisions. More importantly, you haven't even pointed out to anyone what makes these decisions liberal, or even if it's only liberals that are making these decisions.
It has in Massachusetts. It has in most of Canada. It has in Spain. It has in Belgium.
Thank you for making my point.
I live in Massachusetts. I don't have to find a wife. I just need to find a good man to settle down with.
My, you have a short memory. Lawrence v. Texas pretty much voided all laws against consensual sodomy.
But it has. My [hypothetical] husband and I are disease free. We are both of legal age, and we are both not related. As far as I am concerned, we both meet the requirements of marriage.
What makes them wrong?
Um, no. State has to providea legitimate reason, especially since it has been shown that there is harm that comes from denying those benefits to same sex couples.
Read my rsponse to JPSartre12.
That was a misstype. I stand corrected.
It seems that, according to you, liberals are at fault for everything. The thing is, you have yet to point out what was wrong with those decisions. More importantly, you haven't even pointed out to anyone what makes these decisions liberal, or even if it's only liberals that are making these decisions.
It has in Massachusetts. It has in most of Canada. It has in Spain. It has in Belgium.
Thank you for making my point.
I live in Massachusetts. I don't have to find a wife. I just need to find a good man to settle down with.
Nicholas A
New member
It does require a state license to operate a brothel.
But can a 16 year old licensed driver in Michigan move to NY and get his NY license at 16?
But can a 16 year old licensed driver in Michigan move to NY and get his NY license at 16?
When I saw this post, I made a quick scan of your recent posts and found the following: thay(that), inulted(insulted), hear(here), ecept(except), can/t(can't), mule(mile), bieth(birth), yo(you), worl(work), and Bhudda(Buddha). I am not sure you are qualified to be an unofficial spell checker for others.
Dono
Dono
PurpleLover
New member
You have yeat to prove any Liberal wrong, you just tell yourself you do. LOL !
Rare as it is, States have seen fit to exercise their authority and discretion, CUNx.
prohibited marriages?
"Generally, you are free to marry anyone you choose as long as that person is not already married, the same sex as you are, or a close relative. South Dakota prohibits marriages between parents and children; brothers and sisters, including half brothers and sisters; uncles and nieces; aunts and nephews; first cousins; stepfathers and stepdaughters; and stepmothers and stepsons.
The South Dakota Legislature recently amended the statutes to prohibit marriages between persons of the same sex. However, South Dakota statutes also state that all marriages contracted outside this state which would be valid by the laws of the jurisdiction in which they were contracted are valid in this state. Whether a same-sex marriage validly contracted in another state is valid in South Dakota is undetermined."
At some point, you have to consider that if anything goes, then by what authority will you deny a brother the right to marry his brother or a sister the right to marry her sister. They may have more love than any other couple for each other, they may or may not be sexual with one another, they may or may not only be after the financial benefits,...
Yet YOU would deny a brother the right to marry his brother or a sister the right to marry her sister. Even though they can't make "three headed babies?"
You should consider the reasoning behind denying them but demanding the same right for gays.
I've already given you the answer to this paradox, CUNx.
The government should define and recognize only the most basic definition of marriage necessary to establisg the "family unit" as necessary for the general welfare (talk about percentages here),... as it is necessary for the making of laws (article 8 section 1) as per the Constitution.
All other unions could still take place without the government's recognition.
Being treated with Indifference and apathy are not tantamount to being discriminated against.
prohibited marriages?
"Generally, you are free to marry anyone you choose as long as that person is not already married, the same sex as you are, or a close relative. South Dakota prohibits marriages between parents and children; brothers and sisters, including half brothers and sisters; uncles and nieces; aunts and nephews; first cousins; stepfathers and stepdaughters; and stepmothers and stepsons.
The South Dakota Legislature recently amended the statutes to prohibit marriages between persons of the same sex. However, South Dakota statutes also state that all marriages contracted outside this state which would be valid by the laws of the jurisdiction in which they were contracted are valid in this state. Whether a same-sex marriage validly contracted in another state is valid in South Dakota is undetermined."
At some point, you have to consider that if anything goes, then by what authority will you deny a brother the right to marry his brother or a sister the right to marry her sister. They may have more love than any other couple for each other, they may or may not be sexual with one another, they may or may not only be after the financial benefits,...
Yet YOU would deny a brother the right to marry his brother or a sister the right to marry her sister. Even though they can't make "three headed babies?"
You should consider the reasoning behind denying them but demanding the same right for gays.
I've already given you the answer to this paradox, CUNx.
The government should define and recognize only the most basic definition of marriage necessary to establisg the "family unit" as necessary for the general welfare (talk about percentages here),... as it is necessary for the making of laws (article 8 section 1) as per the Constitution.
All other unions could still take place without the government's recognition.
Being treated with Indifference and apathy are not tantamount to being discriminated against.
Bailey0825
New member
Hydra said:
ygiernevada
New member
We have had massive child abuse by the clergy here in ireland - It has never once been mentioned that any of the involved preists were gay. Would gay priests not be more likely to "do" another priest that felt the same way? rather than a child?
metsgiantsfan333
New member
There is nothing that states it cannot be applied to gay marriage. It may have seemed "absurd" to them at the time. They could not have known every way society and laws would change. Doesn't it lose relevance if it doesn't apply to the realities of society over the last 100 or so years?
wanttoknowpleasex
New member
We cannot make all happy by allowing them to do what they like. There are pedophiles, psychopaths, commiters of beastality, etc., who get utmost happiness in what they do and hope to be institutionalized
Technically, homosexuals cannot raise a family by themselves, since it is a vain unfruitful sexual act. A bunch of roosters stealing egg from hens and presuming to hatch and raise family.
Technically, homosexuals cannot raise a family by themselves, since it is a vain unfruitful sexual act. A bunch of roosters stealing egg from hens and presuming to hatch and raise family.
Serena Elizabeth G
New member
That is a gross assumption on your part. Name calling only illustrates that you are losing the ability or willingness to reason.
calmlikeatimebomb
New member
Marriage has always been evolving. It's not this static, immovable thing.
That's not the only option. Marriage is a common-law definition, so the courts are able to define it, as they have been doing all along.
That has yet to be shown. Every argument against gay marriage is a logical fallacy or a diversion or fear tactic. That's why such arguments are losing in court.
One can be straight without being narrow.
That's not the only option. Marriage is a common-law definition, so the courts are able to define it, as they have been doing all along.
That has yet to be shown. Every argument against gay marriage is a logical fallacy or a diversion or fear tactic. That's why such arguments are losing in court.
One can be straight without being narrow.
mtcharliegirl
New member
So also are the pedophiles and other perverts.
dodger78 u
New member
Wait for the pedophiles and other antisocial elements who are waiting to join the bandwagon for benefits.