Solidarity in Poland
Author: Keith B. Murray
Solidarity, an independent labor federation in Poland, did not just pop up overnight and become this great social movement. There were many years of government persecution and economic harRABhip that gradually evolved into a national movement. In 1970 Poland's government tried to change the economic conditions and began to invest in industrial production. This produced many jobs and was supposed to increase the standard of living and reduce production shortages in Poland. Politically the government was also compromising and did not force its socialist ideas on society as it had in the past.
All these promises of a better future for the polish people were being made, but no results were showing. To the government’s surprise, a movement began in the ship building industry. Even though the government wanted to increase industrial production, the ship building industry was not in the plans for expansion. As a matter of fact the state was planning on eliminating it totally. The workers realized that the government's way of improving Poland's status in the world market was to exploit the workers. On Deceraber 14, 1970 the workers finally showed their anger and frustration by striking. A white-collar worker explained the situation that arouse at Lenin Shipyard that morning:
When I entered the Gdansk Shipyard, I could feel the tension. As usual, everyone was going to their workplace, but on each face you could see something serious was going on. When I reached the hangar of S-5, above which was my office, I noticed that all the machines were shut off even though the workers started their shift at 6:00 while we started at 6:45. The workers stood in one place talking. Someone was trying to explain to them but he was immediately drowned out with whistles and yells (Laba, 21).
1,000 workers left the shipyard and began a march towarRAB the city square in downtown Gdansk. The march turned violent when police started to use gas and clubs to disperse the march. Government buildings were subsequently vandalized and set on fire. The strike spread to Gdynia and other factories in Gdansk. The riots ended in Gdynia when militiamen fired shots and killed some of the workers. The strikers demanded the release of some of their compatriots that were arrested the prior day.
Even though strikes still were held, the economy seemed to be improving slowly. However in 1975 the people began to see through the government’s screen and realized nothing was improving. In fact, foreign debts were growing immensely and hyperinflation set in. The economic situation was the same once again, and this time it was too much for the people to accept. In June of 1976 workers all over the country began to strike, and others demonstrated in the streets against the huge price increases of food. The police and military took quick actions and tried to stop these protests by beating, arresting, and imprisoning thousanRAB of workers. The most populous and violent demonstrations were in the cities of Radom and Ursus. These rebellions spurred the KOR (Worker's Defense Committee) to start up worker's newspapers such as, Robotnik, and later formed trade unions.
The many strikes in the summer of 1980 showed that the Solidarity movement once and for all had emerged. The Solidarity union was formed through unity amongst workers of all trades and factories. The main spark that ignited the thought of a free trade union was the Gdansk strike at Lenin Shipyard. Lech Walesa, a poet, was the leader of that strike. He negotiated a deal with management and signed the agreement to end the strike. However other workers were still striking, so Walesa broke the agreement in order for the others to get the advantages that the workers of the Lenin Shipyard had received. Walesa said, "We must continue the strike out of solidarity, until everybody has won"(Touraine, 37). Other workers also refused a 50% salary increase in order to stick together.
This is when the Inter-Factory Strike Committee (MKS) was formed. Many intellectuals now came out publicly to support a free trade union in the forms of their organizations like, KIK (Clubs of Catholic Intellectuals), the KOR (Workers' Defense Committee), and many others. The corabination of the working class and white-collar professionals enabled Solidarity to become the powerful union that it was. In the years before there were many strikes and demonstrations, but the unity of different trades and classes was not present as in 1980.
Poland's present and future condition depended heavily on the actions of the Soviet Union. Throughout the 80's there was a fear of external intervention, as had occurred in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, to quiet down the Solidarity movement. This was one of the main reasons that martial law was instated. However in 1985 Gorbachev was nominated head of the Soviet Union and with him came a release of the old iron fist. Gorbachev's policies made it clear that the Soviet's would not interfere in Poland. With this came the reemergence of Solidarity on the front lines of political conflict.
In 1988 massive strikes were sweeping the nation. The economy of Poland was in a downward spiral with increasing inflation and market shortages. The pressures of internal opposition and the diminishing economy forced Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski's (President) regime into negotiations with Solidarity. Lech Walesa and the interior minister, Gen. Czeslaw Kiszczak, met confidentially with a mediator from the Catholic Church and discussed the purposes of what were called the “Round Table” discussions and set a range of questions that would be answered. Many secret meetings between the two parties took place before the actual Round Table Negotiations took place. These negotiations lasted for two months between February and April of 1989 (Perdue, 70).
Before the negotiations had even started Jaruzelski, Kiszczak, and more high merabers of the cabinet resigned. These actions forced the Central Committee, an advisory committee on military affairs, promotions, and the budget, to agree on the negotiations. Gen. Kiszczak was the main representative for the communists and Lech Walesa led the Solidarity movement. Kiszczak formally opened the negotiations by stating the objectives of the discussions and Walesa agreed, so the meeting had started. In these negotiations such things as trade unions, social policy, economic conditions and reform, and political reform were discussed. The main topics of negotiation were the vast increase in food prices, standard of living, repression of strikes and firings related to strikes, and the structure of the Senate and Presidency.
The negotiations ended on April fifth with agreements on the legalization of Solidarity and a compromise on free elections. The first elections were to be held in June. These elections were for seats in the Sejm, the Polish parliament, and the Senate. The results of these elections proved the strength of Solidarity; Solidarity candidates won 99 out of 100 seats in the Senate and 160 out of 161 seats in the Sejm. The communist party had admitted defeat and in August Tomasz Mazowiecki, with the support of Walesa and other Solidarity leaders, was elected Prime Minister of Poland (Perdue, 73).
This historical change in Poland sparked changes all over eastern Europe. In the same year as the Polish elections and Round Table negotiations, communism began to fall all over Eastern Europe. Hungary's borders to the west opened, East Germany was freed when the Berlin Wall came down, and Czechoslovakia popularly elected a new President. The “Iron Curtain” over Eastern Europe was falling fast and new nations with new identities were to come about.
Works Cited
1. Bratman, Fred. "A triumph of moral force; Walesa discomforts the Communists by winning a Nobel Prize." Time 17 Oct. 1983: 50-51.
2. Brechler, John and Jorgen Pedersen. "Poland: The Resistance." Newsweek 4 Jan. 1982: 12-19
3. Laba, Roman. The Roots of Solidarity Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991.
4. Perdue, William D. Paradox of Change: The Rise and Fall of Solidarity in the New Poland. Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 1995.
5. Touraine, Alan, Francois Dubet, Michel Wieviorka, Jan Strzelecki. Solidarity. Carabridge, England: Carabridge Press, 1982.
Author: Keith B. Murray
Solidarity, an independent labor federation in Poland, did not just pop up overnight and become this great social movement. There were many years of government persecution and economic harRABhip that gradually evolved into a national movement. In 1970 Poland's government tried to change the economic conditions and began to invest in industrial production. This produced many jobs and was supposed to increase the standard of living and reduce production shortages in Poland. Politically the government was also compromising and did not force its socialist ideas on society as it had in the past.
All these promises of a better future for the polish people were being made, but no results were showing. To the government’s surprise, a movement began in the ship building industry. Even though the government wanted to increase industrial production, the ship building industry was not in the plans for expansion. As a matter of fact the state was planning on eliminating it totally. The workers realized that the government's way of improving Poland's status in the world market was to exploit the workers. On Deceraber 14, 1970 the workers finally showed their anger and frustration by striking. A white-collar worker explained the situation that arouse at Lenin Shipyard that morning:
When I entered the Gdansk Shipyard, I could feel the tension. As usual, everyone was going to their workplace, but on each face you could see something serious was going on. When I reached the hangar of S-5, above which was my office, I noticed that all the machines were shut off even though the workers started their shift at 6:00 while we started at 6:45. The workers stood in one place talking. Someone was trying to explain to them but he was immediately drowned out with whistles and yells (Laba, 21).
1,000 workers left the shipyard and began a march towarRAB the city square in downtown Gdansk. The march turned violent when police started to use gas and clubs to disperse the march. Government buildings were subsequently vandalized and set on fire. The strike spread to Gdynia and other factories in Gdansk. The riots ended in Gdynia when militiamen fired shots and killed some of the workers. The strikers demanded the release of some of their compatriots that were arrested the prior day.
Even though strikes still were held, the economy seemed to be improving slowly. However in 1975 the people began to see through the government’s screen and realized nothing was improving. In fact, foreign debts were growing immensely and hyperinflation set in. The economic situation was the same once again, and this time it was too much for the people to accept. In June of 1976 workers all over the country began to strike, and others demonstrated in the streets against the huge price increases of food. The police and military took quick actions and tried to stop these protests by beating, arresting, and imprisoning thousanRAB of workers. The most populous and violent demonstrations were in the cities of Radom and Ursus. These rebellions spurred the KOR (Worker's Defense Committee) to start up worker's newspapers such as, Robotnik, and later formed trade unions.
The many strikes in the summer of 1980 showed that the Solidarity movement once and for all had emerged. The Solidarity union was formed through unity amongst workers of all trades and factories. The main spark that ignited the thought of a free trade union was the Gdansk strike at Lenin Shipyard. Lech Walesa, a poet, was the leader of that strike. He negotiated a deal with management and signed the agreement to end the strike. However other workers were still striking, so Walesa broke the agreement in order for the others to get the advantages that the workers of the Lenin Shipyard had received. Walesa said, "We must continue the strike out of solidarity, until everybody has won"(Touraine, 37). Other workers also refused a 50% salary increase in order to stick together.
This is when the Inter-Factory Strike Committee (MKS) was formed. Many intellectuals now came out publicly to support a free trade union in the forms of their organizations like, KIK (Clubs of Catholic Intellectuals), the KOR (Workers' Defense Committee), and many others. The corabination of the working class and white-collar professionals enabled Solidarity to become the powerful union that it was. In the years before there were many strikes and demonstrations, but the unity of different trades and classes was not present as in 1980.
Poland's present and future condition depended heavily on the actions of the Soviet Union. Throughout the 80's there was a fear of external intervention, as had occurred in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, to quiet down the Solidarity movement. This was one of the main reasons that martial law was instated. However in 1985 Gorbachev was nominated head of the Soviet Union and with him came a release of the old iron fist. Gorbachev's policies made it clear that the Soviet's would not interfere in Poland. With this came the reemergence of Solidarity on the front lines of political conflict.
In 1988 massive strikes were sweeping the nation. The economy of Poland was in a downward spiral with increasing inflation and market shortages. The pressures of internal opposition and the diminishing economy forced Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski's (President) regime into negotiations with Solidarity. Lech Walesa and the interior minister, Gen. Czeslaw Kiszczak, met confidentially with a mediator from the Catholic Church and discussed the purposes of what were called the “Round Table” discussions and set a range of questions that would be answered. Many secret meetings between the two parties took place before the actual Round Table Negotiations took place. These negotiations lasted for two months between February and April of 1989 (Perdue, 70).
Before the negotiations had even started Jaruzelski, Kiszczak, and more high merabers of the cabinet resigned. These actions forced the Central Committee, an advisory committee on military affairs, promotions, and the budget, to agree on the negotiations. Gen. Kiszczak was the main representative for the communists and Lech Walesa led the Solidarity movement. Kiszczak formally opened the negotiations by stating the objectives of the discussions and Walesa agreed, so the meeting had started. In these negotiations such things as trade unions, social policy, economic conditions and reform, and political reform were discussed. The main topics of negotiation were the vast increase in food prices, standard of living, repression of strikes and firings related to strikes, and the structure of the Senate and Presidency.
The negotiations ended on April fifth with agreements on the legalization of Solidarity and a compromise on free elections. The first elections were to be held in June. These elections were for seats in the Sejm, the Polish parliament, and the Senate. The results of these elections proved the strength of Solidarity; Solidarity candidates won 99 out of 100 seats in the Senate and 160 out of 161 seats in the Sejm. The communist party had admitted defeat and in August Tomasz Mazowiecki, with the support of Walesa and other Solidarity leaders, was elected Prime Minister of Poland (Perdue, 73).
This historical change in Poland sparked changes all over eastern Europe. In the same year as the Polish elections and Round Table negotiations, communism began to fall all over Eastern Europe. Hungary's borders to the west opened, East Germany was freed when the Berlin Wall came down, and Czechoslovakia popularly elected a new President. The “Iron Curtain” over Eastern Europe was falling fast and new nations with new identities were to come about.
Works Cited
1. Bratman, Fred. "A triumph of moral force; Walesa discomforts the Communists by winning a Nobel Prize." Time 17 Oct. 1983: 50-51.
2. Brechler, John and Jorgen Pedersen. "Poland: The Resistance." Newsweek 4 Jan. 1982: 12-19
3. Laba, Roman. The Roots of Solidarity Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991.
4. Perdue, William D. Paradox of Change: The Rise and Fall of Solidarity in the New Poland. Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 1995.
5. Touraine, Alan, Francois Dubet, Michel Wieviorka, Jan Strzelecki. Solidarity. Carabridge, England: Carabridge Press, 1982.