BEIRUT — Rebel forces in Aleppo, Syria’s largest city, said on Wednesday that government forces had launched a ground assault, forcing them to pull back from parts of a key neighborhood because their ammunition was running low, as new disputes arose around the contentious issue of foreign military support for President Bashar al-Assad.
A rebel commander identified as Abu Mohammed, chief of the insurgent Shahbaa Brigade in Aleppo, said in a telephone interview that the fight with loyalist soldiers looked as if “this is going to be a long battle because of the ammunition shortage.”
Specifically, he said the rebels needed a daily supply at least 60 rocket-propelled grenades, traditionally used against armored vehicles, to counter a buildup of government forces including tanks and snipers in the Salahdin neighborhood where much recent fighting has been taking place.
Other commanders spoke of a significant buildup by government troops near the southern edge of the city, which is Syria’s commercial heart.
Syrian state television reported that the Army had “cleaned” Salahdin, seizing ammunition caches, killing several “terrorists” -- the official term for the rebels -- while arresting others, including fighters from unidentified foreign countries.
Rebels said troops had already moved into parts of Salaheddin, the most contested neighborhood. But broader suggestions that a long-awaited ground offensive had begun against the rebels could not be independently confirmed.
Reporters in Aleppo said Syrian jets bombed the city between 3 a.m. and 5 a.m., possibly in preparation for moves to dislodge rebels.
The developments coincided with disputed reports about the identity of dozens of Iranian hostages taken prisoner in Syria at the weekend and an equally contentious claim by the insurgents to have killed a senior Russian general acting as a military adviser to government forces around the capital, Damascus.
The rebellious “Hawks Special Operations Battalion” said in a video posted on YouTube that it had “eliminated” Gen. Vladimir Petrovich Kochyev. The video showed what the rebels said was a copy of an identity card issued by the Russian military.
There was no independent corroboration of the claim, which was denied strenuously in Moscow in Russian media reports saying the general had been in Syria but was currently on vacation outside of Moscow. The same media outlets later quoted the officer by name as saying he was alive and in Moscow.
It was not clear whether the claims and counterclaims were part of the broader propaganda war between Damascus and its adversaries that has burgeoned in the information vacuum created by restrictions on independent reporting.
Russia, which has a naval base in Syria, is Mr. Assad’s most important international sponsor, while Iran is his biggest regional ally.
Iran’s foreign minister, Ali Akbar Salehi, flying back from Turkey, reportedly told Iranian reporters that “some” of the Iranian hostages in Syria seized last weekend were “retired” staff of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps, the state Islamic Republic News Agency reported on Wednesday.
But he went on: “Their appearance and clothes and documents show they are honest pilgrims.”
Hours later an unnamed foreign ministry official denied the minister’s remarks on Iran’s Arabic language Al-Alam state television channel, saying there “was no truth in any reports linking the kidnapped Iranians in Syria to the Revolutionary Guards.” Iran has insisted that the captives are religious pilgrims, while their captors say they were on a military mission.
The arguments reflected the distinction between outside backers of both sides in the civil war, with Western and some regional governments supporting the rebels while Mr. Assad draws support from Moscow and Tehran.
The confusing accounts of the nature of that support emerged a day after Tehran sought to reframe the Syrian conflict as part of a wider battle with the United States and other hostile world powers, dispatching the personal representative of its paramount leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to Damascus for a televised display of solidarity.
Syrian television showed an Iranian delegation led by the aide, Saeed Jalili, at the presidential palace in Damascus during President Assad’s first televised appearance since a bomb killed four of his top security officials last month. The backdrop of the meeting was a serious escalation in the war, with rebel brigades and Syrian fighter jets facing off in Aleppo, as opposition groups reported shelling or clashes in more than a dozen cities and towns.
Mr. Jalili, a top diplomat who is also the head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, said Iran would not accept any interference from outside powers in the 17-month-old conflict in Syria, a country that has been a vital piece of Iran’s power projection in the Middle East since the Islamic Revolution three decades ago.
With Mr. Assad’s hold on power appearing more tenuous by the day, the visit underscored Iran’s increasingly dogmatic view of the conflict.
“What is happening in Syria is not an internal Syrian issue but a conflict between the axis of the resistance and its enemies in the region and the world,” Mr. Jalili said in comments reported on Syrian state television. He added: “Iran will not tolerate, in any form, the breaking of the axis of the resistance, of which Syria is an intrinsic part.”
The comments came as Iran completed plans to host a meeting on Thursday with other allies of Syria, which it has not identified, to discuss the conflict.
In tone and substance, Iranian officials seem to be recasting Syria’s role in the region in the same uncompromising rhetoric of Iran’s battle with the West over its nuclear program. As Iran suffocates under international anti-nuclear sanctions, its leaders appear to have bundled Syria’s fight with their own, warning countries to stop meddling with Mr. Assad.
Iranian political analysts in the West said Iran’s leaders, having aligned themselves with the Syrian government for so long, also feel more than ever that they have no other recourse but to stick with Mr. Assad, even if his government has committed harsh abuses. His adversaries, both in and out of Syria, have expressed deep antipathy for Iran. If they took power, they would most likely move to undo an alliance that has been a fundamental piece of Iranian foreign policy.
Mr. Jalili’s visit, which was also an attempt to secure the release of the Iranian hostages held by Syrian rebels, appeared to strain relations with Turkey, an important trading partner that has been alienated by Mr. Assad. The Foreign Ministry in Turkey — where Iran’s foreign minister, Mr. Salehi, was visiting — issued a strong rebuke.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, traveling in South Africa, also warned against turning Syria into a proving ground for outside interests. “Those who are attempting to exploit the misery of the Syrian people, either by sending in proxies or sending in terrorist fighters, must recognize that that will not be tolerated, first and foremost by the Syrian people,” she said.
Accounts of the Assad-Jalili meeting in Syria’s state news media emphasized the view that Mr. Assad’s government was resilient and in control. Syria television reported that Mr. Assad had assured Mr. Jalili that the Syrian people would make sure that “foreign projects” in Syria failed as the government pursued its enemies “without complacency.”
According to Iranian news reports, Mr. Jalili told Mr. Assad that “we should not allow the enemies to take revenge” for what Iran views as the defeat of Israel in 2006 and 2009 in wars with “the resistance front,” a strategic alliance of the Iran, Syria, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement and the Hezbollah organization in Lebanon.
Some analysts said the hostage focus was simply theater directed by Iranian leaders. “They will just negotiate with Turkey and Qatar for their release,” said Sarkis Naoum, an analyst and columnist in Lebanon.
Andrew J. Tabler, an analyst with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the rapidly evolving situation in Syria was pushing Iran to face a dilemma of logistics and politics. “When push comes to shove, how much would they do to save Assad?” he said.
Iran now finds itself on the opposite side of Middle East chaos. In Iraq, it had an interest in fueling an insurgency to pin down the Americans, but in Syria, Iran benefits from state control and stability.
Some analysts said Iran’s hand had been forced by the breakdown of a diplomatic effort to find a solution in Syria through the United Nations and multilateral meetings, which suffered a severe blow last week when Kofi Annan, the diplomat leading that effort, resigned in frustration. Without a way to negotiate, and with other regional powers like Turkey and Saudi Arabia more open in their support of the Syrian opposition, Iran appears to have decided that it, too, must show it has joined the fight.
“Iran is saying: ‘We are involved. We are inside the battle,’ ” said Talal Atrissi, a Lebanese political analyst and an expert on Iran. He added, “It means this is now a more international war.”
Damien Cave reported from Beirut and Alan Cowell from London. Reporting was contributed by an employee of The New York Times in Aleppo, Syria; Dalal Mawad and Hwaida Saad from Beirut; Thomas Erdbrink from Tehran; Lydia Polgreen from Johannesburg; Steven Lee Myers from Washington; Ellen Barry from Moscow; and Rick Gladstone from New York.
A rebel commander identified as Abu Mohammed, chief of the insurgent Shahbaa Brigade in Aleppo, said in a telephone interview that the fight with loyalist soldiers looked as if “this is going to be a long battle because of the ammunition shortage.”
Specifically, he said the rebels needed a daily supply at least 60 rocket-propelled grenades, traditionally used against armored vehicles, to counter a buildup of government forces including tanks and snipers in the Salahdin neighborhood where much recent fighting has been taking place.
Other commanders spoke of a significant buildup by government troops near the southern edge of the city, which is Syria’s commercial heart.
Syrian state television reported that the Army had “cleaned” Salahdin, seizing ammunition caches, killing several “terrorists” -- the official term for the rebels -- while arresting others, including fighters from unidentified foreign countries.
Rebels said troops had already moved into parts of Salaheddin, the most contested neighborhood. But broader suggestions that a long-awaited ground offensive had begun against the rebels could not be independently confirmed.
Reporters in Aleppo said Syrian jets bombed the city between 3 a.m. and 5 a.m., possibly in preparation for moves to dislodge rebels.
The developments coincided with disputed reports about the identity of dozens of Iranian hostages taken prisoner in Syria at the weekend and an equally contentious claim by the insurgents to have killed a senior Russian general acting as a military adviser to government forces around the capital, Damascus.
The rebellious “Hawks Special Operations Battalion” said in a video posted on YouTube that it had “eliminated” Gen. Vladimir Petrovich Kochyev. The video showed what the rebels said was a copy of an identity card issued by the Russian military.
There was no independent corroboration of the claim, which was denied strenuously in Moscow in Russian media reports saying the general had been in Syria but was currently on vacation outside of Moscow. The same media outlets later quoted the officer by name as saying he was alive and in Moscow.
It was not clear whether the claims and counterclaims were part of the broader propaganda war between Damascus and its adversaries that has burgeoned in the information vacuum created by restrictions on independent reporting.
Russia, which has a naval base in Syria, is Mr. Assad’s most important international sponsor, while Iran is his biggest regional ally.
Iran’s foreign minister, Ali Akbar Salehi, flying back from Turkey, reportedly told Iranian reporters that “some” of the Iranian hostages in Syria seized last weekend were “retired” staff of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps, the state Islamic Republic News Agency reported on Wednesday.
But he went on: “Their appearance and clothes and documents show they are honest pilgrims.”
Hours later an unnamed foreign ministry official denied the minister’s remarks on Iran’s Arabic language Al-Alam state television channel, saying there “was no truth in any reports linking the kidnapped Iranians in Syria to the Revolutionary Guards.” Iran has insisted that the captives are religious pilgrims, while their captors say they were on a military mission.
The arguments reflected the distinction between outside backers of both sides in the civil war, with Western and some regional governments supporting the rebels while Mr. Assad draws support from Moscow and Tehran.
The confusing accounts of the nature of that support emerged a day after Tehran sought to reframe the Syrian conflict as part of a wider battle with the United States and other hostile world powers, dispatching the personal representative of its paramount leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to Damascus for a televised display of solidarity.
Syrian television showed an Iranian delegation led by the aide, Saeed Jalili, at the presidential palace in Damascus during President Assad’s first televised appearance since a bomb killed four of his top security officials last month. The backdrop of the meeting was a serious escalation in the war, with rebel brigades and Syrian fighter jets facing off in Aleppo, as opposition groups reported shelling or clashes in more than a dozen cities and towns.
Mr. Jalili, a top diplomat who is also the head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, said Iran would not accept any interference from outside powers in the 17-month-old conflict in Syria, a country that has been a vital piece of Iran’s power projection in the Middle East since the Islamic Revolution three decades ago.
With Mr. Assad’s hold on power appearing more tenuous by the day, the visit underscored Iran’s increasingly dogmatic view of the conflict.
“What is happening in Syria is not an internal Syrian issue but a conflict between the axis of the resistance and its enemies in the region and the world,” Mr. Jalili said in comments reported on Syrian state television. He added: “Iran will not tolerate, in any form, the breaking of the axis of the resistance, of which Syria is an intrinsic part.”
The comments came as Iran completed plans to host a meeting on Thursday with other allies of Syria, which it has not identified, to discuss the conflict.
In tone and substance, Iranian officials seem to be recasting Syria’s role in the region in the same uncompromising rhetoric of Iran’s battle with the West over its nuclear program. As Iran suffocates under international anti-nuclear sanctions, its leaders appear to have bundled Syria’s fight with their own, warning countries to stop meddling with Mr. Assad.
Iranian political analysts in the West said Iran’s leaders, having aligned themselves with the Syrian government for so long, also feel more than ever that they have no other recourse but to stick with Mr. Assad, even if his government has committed harsh abuses. His adversaries, both in and out of Syria, have expressed deep antipathy for Iran. If they took power, they would most likely move to undo an alliance that has been a fundamental piece of Iranian foreign policy.
Mr. Jalili’s visit, which was also an attempt to secure the release of the Iranian hostages held by Syrian rebels, appeared to strain relations with Turkey, an important trading partner that has been alienated by Mr. Assad. The Foreign Ministry in Turkey — where Iran’s foreign minister, Mr. Salehi, was visiting — issued a strong rebuke.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, traveling in South Africa, also warned against turning Syria into a proving ground for outside interests. “Those who are attempting to exploit the misery of the Syrian people, either by sending in proxies or sending in terrorist fighters, must recognize that that will not be tolerated, first and foremost by the Syrian people,” she said.
Accounts of the Assad-Jalili meeting in Syria’s state news media emphasized the view that Mr. Assad’s government was resilient and in control. Syria television reported that Mr. Assad had assured Mr. Jalili that the Syrian people would make sure that “foreign projects” in Syria failed as the government pursued its enemies “without complacency.”
According to Iranian news reports, Mr. Jalili told Mr. Assad that “we should not allow the enemies to take revenge” for what Iran views as the defeat of Israel in 2006 and 2009 in wars with “the resistance front,” a strategic alliance of the Iran, Syria, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement and the Hezbollah organization in Lebanon.
Some analysts said the hostage focus was simply theater directed by Iranian leaders. “They will just negotiate with Turkey and Qatar for their release,” said Sarkis Naoum, an analyst and columnist in Lebanon.
Andrew J. Tabler, an analyst with the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the rapidly evolving situation in Syria was pushing Iran to face a dilemma of logistics and politics. “When push comes to shove, how much would they do to save Assad?” he said.
Iran now finds itself on the opposite side of Middle East chaos. In Iraq, it had an interest in fueling an insurgency to pin down the Americans, but in Syria, Iran benefits from state control and stability.
Some analysts said Iran’s hand had been forced by the breakdown of a diplomatic effort to find a solution in Syria through the United Nations and multilateral meetings, which suffered a severe blow last week when Kofi Annan, the diplomat leading that effort, resigned in frustration. Without a way to negotiate, and with other regional powers like Turkey and Saudi Arabia more open in their support of the Syrian opposition, Iran appears to have decided that it, too, must show it has joined the fight.
“Iran is saying: ‘We are involved. We are inside the battle,’ ” said Talal Atrissi, a Lebanese political analyst and an expert on Iran. He added, “It means this is now a more international war.”
Damien Cave reported from Beirut and Alan Cowell from London. Reporting was contributed by an employee of The New York Times in Aleppo, Syria; Dalal Mawad and Hwaida Saad from Beirut; Thomas Erdbrink from Tehran; Lydia Polgreen from Johannesburg; Steven Lee Myers from Washington; Ellen Barry from Moscow; and Rick Gladstone from New York.